Dehradun is the capital city of the state of Uttarakhand, and was where Gurung’s grandfather—a serviceman in the Gorkha regiment of the Indian Army—had migrated to many years ago. Being that he was born and raised in the city itself and had spent most of his life away from Nepal, one wouldn’t have expected Gurung to harbour such indelible ties with the traditions and language of his forefathers. But harbour them he did, an affection that only grew with time, and today—12 years since he retired from professional service—appears to be at its height, and has induced him into wanting to pass on to younger generations a sense of devotion towards one’s origins.
Gurung remembers a time, just a few years back, when Gorkhas in India were hesitant to use their real surnames in public, which, he says, saddened him. “Without our roots, our identities are at a loss,” he explains. Currently also the vice-chairman of the Other Backward Class (OBC) Commission in Uttarakhand, and the first from among the Gorkha community in the state to hold such a position, Gurung believes that being able to preserve the unique identity of the Gorkhas would translate into more confidence, and consequently, more opportunities for his people. Even today, the Gorkha community is still mostly associated with stories of brave Nepali fighters, and Dehradun—which used to be part of the erstwhile Nepal in the early 19th century—still rings with these tales of valiant, disciplined and utterly devoted soldiers. The memorial erected by the British East India Company in honour of their deceased General Rollo Gillespie and their ferocious adversary Balbhadra Kunwar after the famous battle at Naalapani in 1814, still stands high in Dehradun. The inscription on the memorial reads: “This is inscribed as a tribute of respect for our gallant adversary Bulbudder (Balbhadra Kunwar), Commander of the fort and his brave Goorkas (Gorkhas) who were afterwards while in the service of Runjeet Singh shot down in their ranks to the last man by Afghan artillery.” Another memorial recently built is that by the political party, the Gorkha Democratic Front, and the Khalanga-Naalapani Bikas Samiti some two years ago on an adjacent hill. That hill was the same strategic fort from where Balbhadra, along with his troops, threw down boulders to stop a well-armed British colonial army from further proceeding into the Nepali territory.
It is unfortunate that although the Nepali-speaking population in Uttarakhand is nearly about eight percent of the total population—close to four lakhs in Dehradun along—no one from the community has gone on as a representative in the Legislative Assembly. But the door has been wedged partly open by the state government’s decision in 2003 to appropriate a 14 percent OBC quota for the Gorkha community, which is quite an achievement. What the reservation has done is encourage the Nepali-speaking groups to engage themselves in fields apart from army service; an example can be found in the fact that some 26 Gram Panchayats in Dehradun currently have heads from Gorkha community.
Positive effects aside, however, obstacles do remain, preventing the decision from being fully embraced by the Nepali-origin groups. To qualify for the reservation, one needs to produce a principal residence certificate, allocated to those who have been living in India since the pre-1950 period. “This effectively deprives those who settled in the state after 1950 from making full use of the quota,” Gurung says.
A perceived part of the problem is the passivity and lack of political activism in the community. For instance, almost 80 percent of the Gorkha community is enrolled in army service, while hardly any members opt for political careers. Instead of
choosing a representative themselves, these groups are seen supporting major parties that they trust and hope will address their concerns in the
elections. The Gorkha Democratic Front was formed in 1978 and still exists, but it was never a serious contender; after formally registering as a party in 2006, it participated in the legislative assembly elections and the bi-elections of the Lok Sabha in 2007, but failed to muster enough votes to win. Since then, it shied away from the 2009 parliamentary elections, instead supporting major parties.
“The Gorkha community needs to be imparted some form of political education,” says Surya Bikram Shahi, president of the Front. Shahi believes that considering the already-present risk of discrimination and stigmatisation from more dominant groups like the Garhwali in the state, Nepali-speakers need to be more mindful of their rights. “Unless we’re politically aware and active, we will continue to be oppressed.” courtesy - Mahesh Acharya- Article in Kathmandu Post titled " Origin of Identity"
